For more than a century, the fortunes of the powerful Kadoorie family have been a barometer of Chinese openness to the worl
By
Since
1880, when an Iraqi Jewish refugee named Elly Kadoorie arrived in Hong
Kong, China has gone through a series of revolutions—from domination by
Western powers to independence, from Nationalist to Communist rule, from
colonialism to capitalism to communism. Through it all, the Kadoorie
family have been a barometer of the country’s openness to the world,
rising to become the richest Western family in China. Leaders have been
seeking their advice for generations, drawn by their combination of
business skills and political acumen. Now, as China cracks down on
dissent in Hong Kong and defiant protesters again take to the streets,
the problem facing the family—like other companies and governments
seeking to deal with a more repressive and nationalistic regime—is
whether China will continue to welcome them.
The
Kadoories built their first fortune in Shanghai between the world wars,
when the city became a global crossroads. When the communists took over
in 1949 and expelled foreigners, they lost almost everything, fleeing
to British-ruled Hong Kong to make a new start. Over the next 25 years
they grew richer than ever, amassing an $18 billion portfolio that
includes China Light and Power, which provides electricity to 80% of
Hong Kong’s residents, and the luxury Peninsula hotel chain.
When
the People’s Republic began to open up in 1972, after President Nixon’s
visit, one of the first calls the communist leadership made was to the
Kadoories, seeking their help in building a nuclear power plant. The
Kadoories, who remain British citizens, became one of the country’s
biggest foreign investors, returning to Shanghai triumphantly to build a
new Peninsula Hotel. Today they meet regularly with top Chinese
leaders, including Xi Jinping.
It
has been a steep ascent since Elly Kadoorie landed in Hong Kong at the
age of 18. He had been recruited to work for a major trading firm owned
by the Sassoons, another Jewish family that had come to China from
Baghdad 35 years earlier, just after the Opium Wars. But Elly soon
struck out on his own, steering clear of opium, one of the main
commodities the Sassoons transported between India and China. Instead he
invested in hotels, land and utilities, building the infrastructure for
the growing city of Shanghai as it became the “Paris of the East.” In
time he built the grandest mansion in the city—43 rooms for just three
people—and entertained celebrities like Charles Lindbergh. The
Kadoories’ hotels hosted the world’s elites, including the wedding of
Chiang Kai-shek.
The
Kadoories were what Americans would call Reform Jews; they attended
High Holiday services and spoke about religion in terms of Jewish
history and values. Privately, many British businessmen disparaged the
Kadoories with anti-Semitic slurs, mocking them as “hook nosed,” members
of the “Jew boys club.” But in the early 20th century, as China opened
up to Western ideas and students and officials began to travel abroad,
many Chinese intellectuals developed a fascination with Jewish culture.
Sun Yat-sen, the first president of the Republic of China, wrote to Elly
Kadoorie that the Jews were a “wonderful and historic nation, which has
contributed so much to the civilization of the world.” Kadoorie, an
active Zionist, helped persuade him to endorse the 1917 Balfour
Declaration, which laid the groundwork for the founding of the state of
Israel. Like the Jews, the Chinese knew what it meant to be powerless
and lose control over their homeland.
During
World War II, the elderly Elly Kadoorie was imprisoned in a Japanese
camp, and he died in captivity in 1944. Soon after the war ended, the
Chinese communists swept through Shanghai, seizing the family’s
buildings and art collection. Most Westerners in China, including the
Sassoons, fled to Europe, Australia or the Americas. But Elly’s grown
sons, Lawrence and Horace, stayed close by, moving to the family’s hotel
in Hong Kong. “If we sit down and worry, not only will no progress be
made but everything will get worse,” Lawrence wrote to Horace in 1946.
“If we go ahead optimistically, and in the belief that Hong Kong has a
great future before it…we shall recover our losses and progress.” Hong
Kong, Lawrence declared, “may become another Shanghai.”
He
turned out to be spectacularly correct. Over the next 70 years, through
the Cold War and China’s economic rise, the Kadoories rebuilt their
fortune in Hong Kong. They also concluded that businessmen of their
father’s generation, isolated and wealthy, had been blind to the rise of
communism and paid a terrible price. “The best protection against
Communism is to provide living conditions that are better than those in
China proper,” Lawrence declared. The Kadoories poured millions into
helping displaced Chinese farmers and refugees set up small farms in
Hong Kong. Research supported by the Kadoories led to the breeding of a
new strain of pig that provided more meat for the city’s booming
population. The Jewish Kadoories, the Chinese farmers joked, “know
everything about the pig except the way it tastes.”
At
the same time, the Kadoories were convinced that one day China would
open up again. They maintained covert ties with the mainland and never
publicly criticized the communist regime. The strategy paid off in 1978,
when the Kadoories were welcomed back by Deng Xiaoping and invested a
billion dollars in China’s first nuclear plant. Later they helped to
keep Hong Kong calm as the British negotiated its handover to China,
which took place in 1997. “You have always been a friend to China,” an
aide to Xi Jinping told Michael Kadoorie, grandson of Elly and the
current head of the family.
Michael
Kadoorie still believes that Hong Kong’s business community must work
with China. Last summer, as the city was racked by increasingly violent
anti-China demonstrations, he wrote a full-page advertisement that ran
in local English and Chinese newspapers. “It is disheartening to see
what has overtaken the city recently,” he wrote. “I do not support
violence nor do I believe this should be the way to resolve conflicts.”
Instead, he pleaded, China must “find solutions in mutual respect,
understanding and open dialogue.”
It’s
a familiar dilemma for the Kadoories. Whenever China has been open and
engaged with the world—in Shanghai in the 1920s and 1930s, in Hong Kong
under British rule, and in mainland China after 1978—the family has
prospered. Their success is a testament to China’s ability to absorb
foreign influences and benefit from foreign investment. But as the
country turns more assertive and nationalistic, the tightrope the
Kadoories walk is growing thinner.
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